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10 Cents 


CRISIS OF OUR COUNTRY; 


THE 



l/ 

By J. B. McKEEHAN. 


CINCINNATI. 

1860. 

SINGLE COPIES, 10 CENTS, or $5 PER HUNDRED. Sent to any part 
of the country, by mail, postage paid, on receipt of the money. Address, 

J. B. McKEEHAN, 

No. 60 West Fourth Street, 3rd Floor, Cincinnati, 0. 












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THE CRISIS OF OUR COUNTRY. 


The nation is convuls3d. The preliminary steps have been 
taken already by seven or eight States to bring about its disso¬ 
lution ; and where no immediate movements have been made by 
the local governments, in their separate capacity, the revolting 
system of espionage, plunder and confiscation, through the in¬ 
strumentality of mobs, vigilance committees and popular tumult, 
has indicated a state of public feeling in the South at once un¬ 
just, unconstitutional and cruel—the index of a state in the 
first stage of decomposition, and the swift and terrible witness 
of anarchy and military dominion. No doubt the men of the 
Revolution gave us the best form of government in the world. 
While they foresaw and knew that the embryotic elements of 
discord were lying torpid, in the great segments of the country, 
they were about to consolidate and adorn with a National Con¬ 
stitution, yet they, in the fullness of their power and in the 
breadth of their prophesy, yielded, on the one hand, for the sake 
of union, provisions in behalf of slavery; among which was 
the Fugitive Slave Clause, including the representation of ne¬ 
gro suffrage, and the permission of the slave trade to the year 
1800; and on the other, that the vices and evils of the institu¬ 
tion, both on the black and the white race, would so prominently 
address themselves to the judgment and patriotism of the States 
who yet tolerated it, that it would be ultimately limited and ex¬ 
tinguished. These provisions were adopted, after long debate, 
only and solely for the sake of union—to unite and comprehend 
in one federative compact, all the States that had maintained 
their integrity and contributed their resources to the existence 
and consummation of the war of the Revolution and independence 






4 


of the colonies. They were adopted, not because the public 
sentiment of that time approved of the institution of slavery, 
but they were adopted with a view to a United States, and after 
the clear and unmistakable condemnation of it, by Pinckney, 
Morris, Sherman, Madison, King, and other leading members 
of the convention. 

Feeble, exhausted by a seven years’ war, and having tested 
the imbecility and worthlessness of a more confederacy, it was 
natural that the desire for union would outweigh all other con¬ 
siderations, and give, through these motives, to the negro pro¬ 
perty holders of South Carolina and Georgia, immunities and 
privileges that, under no circumstances, would have been granted 
by a majority conscious of their power and prepared to com¬ 
mand the respect of the world. Giving to mankind and to their 
posterity the brightest example of moderation and forbearance, 
they were equally determined that the domestic relation of the 
white and the black should, in no wise^ receive their sanction as 
a rightful and beyieficent institution. Their considerations ex¬ 
tended to it, in a legal point of view, w^ere always coupled with 
the condemnations that reproached it in its moral or social 
aspect. Entrenched in the local systems of a number of States, 
it demanded political and national guaranties from all the States. 
From an element of weakness in all the States that countenance 
it through the Revolution, it committed the union to its recogni¬ 
tion after the Revolution on pain of dismemberment, Flowever 
much we may admire the “ Amor Patria ” that yielded for the 
sake of union, after generations must ever deplore the spirit 
that dictated the terms. For whatever else may oe thought of 
the succeeding benefits that followed the formation of the Con¬ 
stitution, the fact is to be lamented by all citizens that the ex¬ 
tenuating provisions granted to it at the time, in order to secure 
a union, founded on integrity and love of justice, should become 
the aggressive principle in the policy of the government, and in 
the end attempt to destroy that very union which was founded 
in obedience to its demands. 

This, however, was not altogether unexpected. If it was an 
error in the framers of the Constitution to concede to it un- 


5 


wonted privileges in behalf of union, their oral and written tes¬ 
timony is unmeasured against its extension. The “ Farewell 
Address,” from the hands of its immortal author, shows clearly 
that the disturbing and dangerous question of slavery was not 
forgotten in its composition. And as he, by his official signa¬ 
ture, gave force and effect to laws and codes prohibiting its 
march or imigration oat of the States into the Territories, he 
must have recognized its constitutional limits to the StaUs alone^ 
and gave the typical geographical party altogether to the South¬ 
ern portion of the Republic. No other construction can be put 
upon it, consistent with his executive course ; and all subsequent 
attempts made to plant slavery out of the States, have been law¬ 
less and unconstitutional acts, deriving their validity from the 
law of force, and extending the imaginary sectional boundary 
by the creation of a true, sectional and antagonist interest. If 
slavery had not existed, there w'ould have been no geographical 
divisions; and, as the founders of the government evidently 
attempted to limit its range to the States, they must have recog¬ 
nized it as a purely “ sectional interest,” unworthy of propaga¬ 
tion, and no longer to be considered or treated as a paramount 
element in the nation, which gave it so much consideration in 
the formation of the union. Time and again did the successive 
administrations of the government, after Washington, endeavor 
to suppress its advance out of the States, and confine it to their 
respective boundaries. In a few occasional instances it was 
permitted to remain where it already secured a foothold, but the 
univ^ rsal affirmative action of the government was, to keep it out 
of the Territories and keep in the States ! 

Thus, throughout a lengthened period of the country’s his¬ 
tory, before the abnormal race of demagogues had produced a 
progeny of monstrous form and shape,” the opinion that 
slavery was the creature of local law, and entirely under the 
control of Congress, out of the States, prevailed with great 
unanimity in all quarters of the Union. Why this policy was 
reversed, and the present era of the nation’s historical record lit 
up by the fires of sectional acrimony, can be found only in that 
deep-laid scheme and alliance, entered into between the North- 






6 


ern Democracy and the master class of the South, by which the 
reign of the former in the Federal offices was permitted only by 
the domination and aggrandizement of the sectional views and 
interests of the latter. 

In referring to this matter it may be asked, Why should the 
past be brought forward and the old witnesses again subpoened 
into Court ? The answer is found in the accumulating and awful 
proportions of that anticipated and lowering storm which is ris¬ 
ing “ like a baleful meteor in the Southern sky,” bearing along 
in its progress the blsckening pall of the Union, and snapping 
the cords and fibers of public peace and security, with the ven¬ 
geance of Furies. It is no time now to stand on text books. 
“Ex post facto” laws are just in time to meet the case. A 
second trial is the only thing that can determine who are the 
friends of the Union. The political traitors to their own con¬ 
stituents and their own interests, have been dealt •with accord¬ 
ing to law. They who -were political traitors have, many of 
them, passed into fratricidal traitors. The transition fx’om one 
unprincipled trade to another is very easy. That portion of 
Northern men who always turned their backs on Northern eon- 
stituencies, find the change an easy one. They who bowed to 
the mandates of a fierce and intolerant sectional class, see no 
dishonor in betraying their whole country. Like the Vandal 
who stamped the image under his foot, they destroy that which 
they can no longer use. 

While the just and proper estimate of all candid men is,'that 
masses of all parties are honest in their intentions, and swayed 
by motives of high regard for their interests, and what they 
deem the public good and the welfare of the State, yet the great 
and prominent fact must not be overlooked, that eight years of 
Democratic rule has come far short of promoting the general wel¬ 
fare and tranquillity of the country; indeed, if they have not been 
chiefly instrumental in 'promoting the public discord and foment¬ 
ing those jealousies and alarms which brood, like a night-mare, 
on the heart of the Commonwealth, and presage a storm of vio¬ 
lence and sedition! Charged with the duty of administering 
the government, the Democratic party alone are responsible for 


7 


Us acts. In the midst of plenty—with no foreign power men¬ 
acing our coasts—surrounded on all sides with the most favor¬ 
able conditions of prosperity, moral and material—with all the 
departments of the government in their hands, local and foreign, 
the evidence is irresistible, that the long sequence, from the 
dominancy of that party in the nation, is but the fiery Lens 
through which the concentrated follies, vices and crimes of its 
history and legislation are written in dark lines upon the retina 
of the Public Vision. No man or patriot must deceive himself at 
the present hour. In the midst of the thickening doom, when 
the ship of State is surging and plunging in the vortex of a sea 
lashed to fury by the breath of calumny and sedition, it is well 
the people should keep cool and fix the responsibility upon the 
Democratic party, where it surely belongs. 

There is no use in blinking the question now, and we think 
the aspect of affairs would not, in the least, be improved by con¬ 
founding the innocent with the guilty. When a government is 
destroyed, it is to the governing power the ruin is attributed. 
When rebellion strikes at its authority, the crime of treason is 
added to the rage of fanaticism. No party has waged a war 
against the South. Through the Democratic party it has con¬ 
trolled the government. Its people have had the largest share 
of the public patronage. Insensible to appeals to their gener- 
erosity, they have imperiUed the common interest hy dishonorable 
tests. In this work they have been aided and abetted by the 
treachery of Northern men. In the South it was boldly de¬ 
manded as furthering their interests. In the North it -was 
pressed as “National.’’ When Mr. Buchanan asserted that the 
“Northern Democracy were the natural allies of the South,” he 
announced a solecism. If he had declared they were the cor¬ 
rupt mercenaries of a violent and sectional junto, he would have 
been consistent with the truth of history. 

In charging the present disastrous state of affiiirs, as a con¬ 
sequence of the persistent sacrifice of Northern weight and in¬ 
fluence in the control of the government, to the conduct of the 
Democratic yarty, it would be unwise to overlook the incessant 
clamors of the South for the aggrandizment of their section— 






8 


tlie control of tlie Union and the propagation of slavery. But 
the union of the Northern wing with the Southern, in its entire 
devotion to the interests of the latter, constitutes an unexam¬ 
pled era in the history of political combinations, in which the 
pride, self-respect and honor of the most powerful, wealthy and 
intelligent was sold, bartered and surrendered to the cupidity, 
lust and rapacity of the weaker. In conceding to the Southern 
division of the party a partial excuse for their distempered zeal, 
by the motive of self-interest, no such plea can be entered in 
behalf of those servile and obsequiousness renegades in the 
North, who sold the honor, trampled on the rights, and abused 
the confidence of a brave and generous people. They stand 
convicted before the bar of a just public opinion, and no recent 
manifestations of love for the Union can shield them from the 
infamy which a life of political chicanery, shame and servility 
eternally invokes. 

All fair-minded and unprejudiced observers can not but admit 
that the great revolution which swept through the Northern 
States on the 6th day of November last, was only the indignant, 
reactionary spirit of a free people, roused to condemn and resist 
the overthrow of their liberties, in fast process of completion, 
by the slave power and its allies. No invasion of the rights of 
the South was contemplated. It was distinctly disavowed. 
And, while the critical condition of the country, through the 
abuses and misrule of two Democratic administrations, had ex¬ 
cited well-grounded apprehensions of its stability, the proclaimed 
creed of the Republican party gave no reasonable doubt of its 
intention, and chalenged the respect and scrutiny of all parties. 
If it found but a cold reception in the South, it was not be¬ 
cause its principles were not nationaV^ Forced into existence 
by a long series of outrages and usurpations by the Federal 
Government, it found but little favor in that quarter of the 
Union w^hose sectionalism^' it was organized to put down. 
The prominent characteristics of Northern character would 
have been, perhaps, but illy lustrated if they had exhibited less 
patience and forbearance in throwing off the yoke of a fierce 
and intolerant interest. 


9 


The history of the country is full of instruction on that point. 
Entertaining with Jefferson, that the Constitution gave Congress 
no power to acquire foreign territory, the rash and precipitate 
annexation of Texas, for the avowed purpose of rolling the tide 
of slavery Westward, till, as Henry A. Wise said, “ it finds no 
limit but the Southern Ocean,” was a measure, planned and 
executed with all the zeal and filllbustering that Gilmer, Tyler, 
Upsher and Calhoun could command, hostile to the feelings and 
interests of the Northern States, and demanded by no exigency 
of affairs, local or foreign. Northern Democrats, in the first 
impulse of their natures, denounced it as a scheme fraught with 
peril and disaster. Mr. Van Buren was sacrificed, not because 
he was considered unsound as a Democrat, but the South 
thought him unsound on the slavery question. Here was in¬ 
augurated that policy by which the South, as a section, gained 
complete ascendency in the councils of the nation, and made an 
entire abandonment of Free-State sentiments a test of Demo¬ 
cratic faith, Through their efficient and consolidated numbers, 
they found the Northern Democracy a feeble obstacle in the 
way of its accomplishment. They allowed no freedom of opin¬ 
ion —slavery was the test. Forgiving all differences of opinion 
on other questions, they allowed none on this. ’Tis read in the 
poem, that the Peri caught the last drop of blood shed by the 
hero in the defense of his country, and presented it to the angei 
guarding the entrance to Paradise—but no admittance; and 
again, the last sigh of a lover, smitten with the plague; but the 
“ crystal bars of Eden ” moved not. And again, a tear of repen¬ 
tance before the pearly gates are opened to receive her. North¬ 
ern Democrats were permitted to bring their gifts to the altar,, 
but no communion or fellowship was admitted to him who failed 
to lay his offering on the shrine of slavery To all intents and 
purposes the general government passed into the hands of the 
slaveholders. As it is a truth in natural science, that the culti¬ 
vated habits of some of the lower animals become instinctive 
principles of action in their offspring, so in man, the power 
granted to him as a privilege will become, in a very few years^ 
a Draconian code of tyranny and torture. 





10 


Breaking down the long established custom and usage of 
the nation through the perfidy of their Northern allies, they 
defiantly assume, forever thereafter, to control the government 
or destr(>y it. The swelling tide of impunity and insolence rose 
higher and higher round the bulwarks of the Constitution. 
“ The taste of blood gives the scent for more, as the first wine 
cup leads to the long revel.” The Wilmot, or the Jefferson 
proviso, is, for the first time in our history, formally abandoned. 
That which wa$ Constitutional has become the aurora of treason 
and the sunset of Liberty. The Northern Democracy crouch 
before the threatening attitude of the South, and pay homage 
to the wolf.” In striking down their own. Section they covered 
their retreat by the cry of the Union ! ” Texas is annexed— 
the Proviso surrendered—ten millions paid to her for territory 
she never owned—the finality” of ’52 linked to the sickening 
treason of ’54—connecting fast on to the tyranny and blood of 
the Kansas raid and the bogus laws—dovetailing at last into 
English Lecomptonism and Dred Scott decisions—the climax 
of their execrable demands, the complete subjugation of the 
Free States and the overthrow of the Constitution. In this 
work of subjecting the free spirit of the people, the Northern 
Democracy played an active and conspicuous part. One demand 
after another is conceded to the South—until passing out of the 
line of mere accessories and tools of a dominant faction, they 
sink to the level of conscripts and conspirators against the Lib¬ 
erties of the people. It is safe to say that the Northern people 
tolerated for a longer time, than any free people under the sun, 
a most abhorred and hybrid race of harlequins and demagogues. 
On the side of the South—voting with the South—voting down 
their own people—voting away free lands—voting for Texas— 
voting down Free Ordinances—voting out California—voting 
down Compromise Lines—voting money to cut throats in Kan- 
zas-—voting Dred Scott Decisions—voting English Swindles 
and Lecompton Juggles—voting out Free States—and through¬ 
out the whole of this decade, denouncing, in malignant slanders, 
the larger portion of the w^ealth, intelligence, and virtue of 
the States who honored, and fed, and raised them up men— 


11 


hurling their calumnies and anathemas with a pleasing and 
taunting malignity against all of their constituents, who raised 
a protest against their mischievous course—branding as ‘‘abo¬ 
litionists,” “fanatics” and “Nigger thieves” all who called them 
to account and exhibited a just resentment of this policy— 
never proposing a national measure—never voted a Northern 
one—never voted for their own constituents—voting disabilities 
and degradation upon them: in view of these facts, it should 
excite no surprise whatever, that an oligarchy should arise in 
the South, pampered and swollen with its long-continued domi¬ 
nation, and assert its supremacy over the laws and liberties 
of the people. Neither is it to be denied that there was a very 
strong probability, if not an urgent necessity, of a counter 
organization, extending all over the non-slaveholding States, 
formed expressly for rescuing the government from its control, 
and giving to the North its due might and influence in its coun¬ 
cils. Such a Party, and with such purposes, is here. 

Without fear of successful contradiction, it affords no pleasure 
to declare that the Democratic Party had proposed no measure, 
that received the Party sanction in the last years of its existence, 
hut such as were dictated by the South, or designed immediately 
or remotely to extend and countenance the institution of slavery. 
Not only that, but rebellion in the Party against such a course, 
was visited with abuse, terror, proscription and persecution. 
Official characters of the vilest reputation have been appointed 
to responsible stations of honor and profit, reflecting the will 
and temper of an inconstant and unworthy executive. No 
accusations of merely an unfriendly nature should be admitted 
as testimony against any Party. But it is more than probable 
that the custom of re'svarding such men with power has told 
fearfully against the public welfare and security. Not over¬ 
looking the great number of profligate, unprincipled and worth¬ 
less leaders that controlled, it is a fearful exhibition of its 
ruffianism and despotic tendency, that such men as Reader, 
Geary, Walker and Stanton met with its ostracism and rage. 
Forgetting its principles—its plain constitutional duty—its 
consistency and moderation, it became the instrument of tyrants. 



12 


and factionists—the ally of fillibustering and war—the Propa¬ 
gandist of Slavery, and the chief support and motive of anarchy, 
fanaticism, and domestic discord. And since its defeat before 
the people, the leaders, with a few honorable exceptions, instead 
of allaying the fears and excitements of the people, have con¬ 
tributed to fan the flame of sectional rancor and bitterness. In 
scattering the firebrands of terror and sedition throughout the 
South, they should remember that the Republican Party can 
he put down hy no such means. It lives, and will live ; and 
while’ the scorn and execrations of every Citizen should be 
meted out to the Pulpits and Journals who are profaning their 
calling by the ribaldry of atheism and the murmurs of rebels, 
it should not he forgotten that they are on the side of that secti¬ 
onal ferocity^ which has trampled down the Constitution and 
poised its indolence vengeance and cupidity against the very 
existence of the government itself! 

In view of this condition of affairs it is the plain and impera¬ 
tive duty of the Republicans to take no counsel of their fears, 
but to go straight forward in the path marked out for them by 
the Constitution and the laws ; and see that the Republic suf¬ 
fers no detriment at their hands. This is a nation, and must 
not be broken up for “light and transient causes.’’ “ We, the 
People of the United States do ordain and establish this 
Constitution.” If it is destroyed, the same power that made 
it alone can do it. No doubt but a successful rebellion or 
revolution may destroy it, but it, most assuredly, must he suc¬ 
cessful, The power to originate carries with it the po'^’-er to 
preserve. A Union that can be broken up at the caprice of any 
State, is no Union at all. Such an Union as that is very easily 
formed. It requires no “ We, The People.” “ Ordain and 
ESTABLISH ” is no part of such Union. It is merely an aggre¬ 
gation of particles, without afiinity or purpose. Not rising in 
dignity to the Achaian League, it would readily reflect its 
weaknesses and abuses. Where the framers of the Constitution 
saw and felt that the Confederacy was inadequate to provide 
for the common defense, or promote the general welfare, they 
wisely avoided the causes of its inefficiency and weakness. 


13 


They intended to establish a Constitution which should be the 
Supreme Law of the Land. The right of revolution by violence 
was never contemplated. As the Hungarian and British Con¬ 
stitutions were the slow growth of concessions and amendments, 
so the Constitution of the United States can only be destroyed 
by the Power that called it into existence, by amendments. 
The People can, if they see fit, destroy it constitutionally ; but 
not by a majority, nor even by two-thirds, but by three-fourths 
of the aggregate tvill of the nation. Two-thirds of the States 
can propose changes in the Organic Law, but three-fourths of 
them must ratify. By this means the Constitution can be constitu¬ 
tionally changed, and the Union broken up. Parties dissatisfied 
with the present Union can find the remedy then in two 
ways,—by the Constitution or by revolution ; the first, peace¬ 
ably ; the second, by war. If three-fourths of the States 
desire a new Union they can annul their Organic Charter by 
amendments. Any other course is rebellion and treason. The 
Constitution declares “ No State shall enter into any 
TREATY, ALLIANCE, OR CONFEDERATION."” Before any State can 
withdraw from the contract, it must amende or annul this clause 
of the Constitution. It can’t do it alone. Three-fourths of the 
States can. Thus the power that created can destroy. The 
Constitution can be entirely remodeled or abrogated; but in any 
other manner proposed than that found in the instrument itself 
is treason, rebellion and war. The powers and duties of the 
Federal government, and the rights of the States are clearly 
defined and established. It is readily admitted, that the People, 
by universal consent, may acquiesce in the abrogation of their 
Constitution: but no number of the States have the Right to do 
it, otherwise than is provided for in the Constitution. Rhode 
Island or Illinois can take their stand on the Constitution and 
say, ^^We will not be unconstitutionally separated.’’ 

But such an amiable condition of public feeling is not likely 
to occur. History affords but few instances of a nation or 
people surrendering their country, without a struggle, to either 
foreign assaults or domestic faction. The people who would 
tamely abandon their liberties to either, deserve to be slaves. 






14 


If the Constitution and the Union are to he torn asunder and 
trampled under foot, let it be after the last dollar and the last 
man have been pledged to their protection and defense. No 
Amphyctjonic Council, or Chamber of Deputies, divides the 
sovereignty with petty municipalities or States. '‘''One Country^ 
one Constitution^ and one destiny'^ are the indissoluble cords 
that nerve the arm for the day of trial. However indifferent 
the crisis may be to others, no Republican can hesitate as to his 
position. By the formal declaration of their principles—by the 
nature, respectabnity and power of their organization, and by the 
responsibility of their example, they owe it to themselves and 
their country, to stand by the Union and the Constitution to the 
last. This they must do in no craven or cowardly spirit. They 
•have done no act of crime—committed no treason—accepted 
the issue forced upon them—elected their choice for the Presi¬ 
dency by the mode prescribed in the Constitution of the United 
States, and no new tests are necessary to prove their devotion 
to the Constitution and the Union. If the Union is to be pre¬ 
served by public meetings and resolutions,, it is altogether proper 
that those men who have been so active in spreading the fires 
of revolt and fanaticism, should take the lead. They are now 
at work, and if they fall as far short of preserving its integrity 
as they were once active in producing its fracture, the pity and 
contempt for the former, will be lost in the scorn and detestation 
for the latter. It is more than probable that the splenetic 
partizanism of such men as Wat Sherman, Charles O’Connor and 
Edwin Crosswell will find the occasion a fit one for its discharge, 
but the Union can have no hope from the efforts of individuals 
whose lives afford the best illustration of the power of slavery 
to corrupt and debase the public sentiment. It is not improper 
to say that these men were prominent and influential supporters 
of the last two Administrations of the Federal Government, 
and their annual Passovers for the continued f reservation of the 
Union, were eminently befitting the cotemporary assaults of 
these same administrations to strike it down 1 

However much the Republican may desire peace and fraternal 
accord to prevail again through the different members of tho 


Nation, i 

ment wil 

honor o 

is to be 

the Bla 

of the Fre 

come into exi 

ence, on the s 

Personal Liberty 

Law, they can, a 

and effect of su 

fact that a dist 

was the first 

any other prooi 

of the Secessionists 

prevailing ignorance oi 

force of these laws. States p 

founded with States forbidding them. 

a portion of the Union feel injured by laws 

breadth of which, they are entirely ignorant ? May u 

inferred that the excited clamor raised against these statutes is 

but part of the programme designed long ago to aid them in 

committing treason against the Government ? Admitting the 

uselessness or impropriety of these Laws, will their repeal be 

followed by new demands ? 

The Constitution is sacred—the Union is sacred—the Federal 
Government is sacred, but the Liberty of conscience, the expres¬ 
sion of opinion, and the right of choice are equally sacred. If 
the Republicans are willing to concede all their rights, they are 
not yet prepared to surrender their self-respect. The demand 
that their property in slaves shall be protected in the Territories 
by the act of Congress, will never he surrendered. Immense 
sacrifices were made by the men of the revolution to form the 
Union ; many to preserve it since ; but this last sacrifice^ never! 
If this is the ultimatum, then, indeed, may the stout heart 
shudder and the timid steal away. ‘‘ Mother,”—said a little 
child, struck with blindtess while asleep,—‘‘Mother, will morn- 




•id again, 
1 delight 
People, 
treason 
traitors 
i^ne People 
People unite‘s 
People strike ? 
- ! Paralyzed by 
yren of ^^'peaceful 
bout a blow. If 
'ut the balance 
ndemonium for 
.hese tyrannies, 
citizens will cease, 
ne by a forgiving to an 
.ited and punished by all the 
Drave and Independent People. And 
l-ulpits whose mission consists in Jacobin 
. Ill Dehalf of the blood stained conspirators of the South 
will find that a Nation that can command respect abroad, is 
amply prepared to take care of its traitors at home ! Come as 
it may, no man can doubt, at this Age of the world, the termi¬ 
nation of the coyfflict! Beyond, and behind the clouds, comes 
“ the morning”—the new-born sun of Liberty. Bights and 
immunities come from convulsions. The fall of despotisms is 
the birth of Nations. In either case, no Republican will prove 
recreant to his duty. They have taken their place, and there 
they WILL STAND —if need be, alone—each one 

“ Beside his native river, 

The Red Blade broken in his hand, 

And the last arrow in his quiver.” 



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